Reinventing the Inter-Korean Relationship * Mareeg.com somalia, World News and Opinion.
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Reinventing the Inter-Korean Relationship

Mareeg.com-SEOUL – On February 12, 2013, North Korea carried out its third nuclear test in the
run-up to the inauguration of a new administration – my own – in the South. Around
that time, the Presidential Transition Committee adopted the “Trust-Building Process
on the Korean Peninsula” as a key policy of the new administration. Though the
North’s nuclear test created pressure to revise the trust-building process, I made
it clear that I would stay the course. Indeed, since its conception, the
trust-building process has taken into account possible military provocations from
North Korea, and is intended specifically to break the vicious cycle of provocations
followed by compromise and rewards to placate tensions.

The trust-building process was formulated to overcome the limitations of both
appeasement and hardline policies: while the former depended entirely on the North’s
tenuous good faith, the latter implied only relentless pressure. The trust-building
process, based on the strength of formidable deterrence, is intended to build
sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula by making North Korea pay dearly for its
aggressive acts while ensuring opportunities for change and assistance if it is
willing to become a responsible member of the international community.

Since the launch of my administration, North Korea has escalated its military
threats and bellicose rhetoric against the South. In April 2013, the North took the
extreme step of unilaterally barring South Korean workers from entering the Gaesong
Industrial Complex, a symbol of inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation, and
withdrawing all of its own workers.

Following the shutdown of the Gaesong facility, some suggested that the North be
offered, through back-channel contacts, incentives to improve inter-Korean
relations. But, aware that such contacts with the North had produced many adverse
effects in the past, I opted for an open and transparent proposal for dialogue.

I repeatedly emphasized to North Korea that trust can be built only by cooperating
on small but meaningful projects and abiding by our promises – and calling attention
to problematic behaviors – along the way. I have also explained to the international
community the credibility and necessity of anchoring our policy in the
trust-building process, securing support from many countries.

North Korea finally came to the dialogue in mid-July, and a month later agreed to
normalize the operation of the Gaesong Industrial Complex in a constructive manner.
As follow-up measures, a secretariat for the joint management of the complex was
established, and government officials from the two Koreas began daily meetings. It
was a small but significant step forward, considering that inter-Korean dialogue has
been virtually non-existent over the past five years, and that tensions stoked by
the North reached a peak in the early days of my administration.

But there is still a long way to go to full normalization of the Gaesong facility,
not to mention inter-Korean relations. The North remains lukewarm on the follow-up
dialogue for passage of workers, communication, and customs clearance, all of which
are essential.

Furthermore, North Korea unilaterally canceled the reunion of separated families
only a few days before the agreed date, breaking the hearts of those who had long
been eagerly awaiting it. North Korea then resumed its slander and threats against
us.

Following the recent purge of Jang Song-thaek, known as the North’s “second man,”
the political situation on the peninsula has spurred further concern among Koreans
and the international community, serving as a reminder of how unpredictable the
current situation is – and thus how difficult it has become to develop inter-Korean
relations.

For the past ten months, my government has sought to abide by international norms in
implementing its North Korea policy, while trying to meet people’s expectations. We
will stick to these fundamental principles and set the following priorities for
future North Korea policies.

First, we will pave the way to peace and unification on the Korean Peninsula. My
government will maintain a strong deterrent capability, because airtight security
constitutes the foundation of genuine peace. From this point, the government will
strive to forge sustainable peace through dialogue, exchanges, and cooperation, in
order to achieve unification and improve the quality of life of all Koreans.

Korea will also work to consolidate cooperation with the international community in
this process. Unification is certainly a matter for the Korean people to decide, but
it should be achieved with the support of neighboring countries, ensuring that
unification benefits all parties in the region.

Second, the government will endeavor to upgrade the trust-building process. To chip
away at the deep-rooted suspicion between the two Koreas, we will work to strengthen
inter-Korean dialogue and discuss matters prudentially while keeping promises on
what is agreed.

My government will devise various measures to expand the scope of South-North
dialogue and cooperation. And we will continue providing humanitarian assistance to
the North, as well as maintaining efforts to hold reunions of separated families and
to resolve the issue of prisoners of war and abductees who have been kept in the
North.

In addition, we will increase the transparency of our North Korea policies. Of
course, considering the nature of inter-Korean relations, not all matters can be
disclosed in full detail. But providing as much accurate information as possible to
the public is the best way to ensure firm popular support for these policies and
their effective implementation.

Third, Korea will seek denuclearization of the North as a means to pursue joint
progress on the Korean Peninsula and across Northeast Asia. Indeed, inter-Korean
relations can properly progress when the North forswears nuclear development and
joins the South in a partnership based on mutual confidence.

If the North shows a firm commitment to denuclearization and takes practical steps
to this end, we will take the lead in securing the international community’s support
for active assistance in the North’s economic development. Furthermore, we will
endeavor to help the peninsula progress together with our neighbors in the Northeast
Asian region.

North Korea has recently shown interest in setting up special economic development
zones. But no country including South Korea would invest in the North if it persists
in nuclear development. If North Korea truly cares for its people, it must give up
the unrealistic twin goals of nuclearization and economic development. Instead, it
must abide by international norms and behave predictably if it is to get along with
its neighbors and become a credible partner.

Bringing North Korea in from the cold is important to our foreign policy in a
broader context as well. That is why I have proposed the Eurasian Initiative, which
envisions connecting the Eurasian continent’s divided logistics networks and
removing obstacles that hinder exchanges to make the continent a viable single
entity. Furthermore, it is linked to my plan for peace and cooperation in Northeast
Asia. To make this Initiative succeed, the Korean Peninsula must be the first to
dismantle the wall of distrust, for it is the gateway that links Eurasia and the
Pacific.

The project to build a World Peace Park in the DMZ (demilitarized zone) that divides
the Korean Peninsula could be a starting point. From here, the countries of the
Continent and the Ocean together with the two Koreas must build trust and promote
cooperation, and disseminate such practices to other areas.

As such, the Korean Peninsula would be able to cast off its old role as a stumbling
block and revive itself as a stepping-stone for peace in Eurasia and Northeast Asia.

Park Geun-hye is President of the Republic of Korea.

Project Syndicate,

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