Fascism with a Feminist Face
Mareeg.com-NEW YORK – Western feminism has made some memorable theoretical mistakes; a major one is the frequent assumption that, if women held the decision-making power in
society, they would be “kinder and gentler” (a phrase devised for George H.W. Bush
in 1988 to appeal to the female vote). Indeed, so-called “second-wave” feminist
theory abounds in assertions that war, racism, love of hierarchy, and general
repressiveness belong to “patriarchy”; women’s leadership, by contrast, would
naturally create a more inclusive, collaborative world.
The problem is that it has never worked out that way, as the rise of women to
leadership positions in Western Europe’s far-right parties should remind us. Leaders
such as Marine Le Pen of France’s National Front, Pia Kjaersgaard of Denmark’s
People’s Party, and Siv Jensen of Norway’s Progress Party reflect the enduring
appeal of neofascist movements to many modern women in egalitarian, inclusive
The past is prologue: Wendy Lower’s recent book Hitler’s Furies: German Women in the
Nazi Killing Fields adds more data to the long record of women embracing violent
right-wing movements. And the rise of far-right movements in Europe – often with
women in charge – confronts us with the fact that the heirs to the fascism of the
1930’s have their own gender-based appeal.
One obvious reason for the success of women like Le Pen, Kjaersgaard, and Jensen is
their value for packaging and marketing their parties. Just as Bush sought to revamp
the Republican Party’s “brand’ of cold-hearted elitism and hostility to women, so
Europe’s far-right parties today must appeal to citizens by not seeming dangerously
extreme and marginal. How dangerous can the movement be, after all, if women are
speaking for it? Such parties come to be seen as more mainstream, and their appeal
to traditionally harder-to-win women supporters receives a boost.
As Lower shows, the Nazis reached out with special programs – from organizing
homemakers to colonizing the conquered Eastern territories – that gave working-class
women things they craved: a sense of belonging to something larger than themselves
(fascism’s eternal draw), backed by a complex official iconography in which the
traditionally devalued roles of wife and mother held a crucial place in the national
drama. Young unmarried women who were sent to administer the neocolonial efforts in
conquered Poland and other territories gained adventure, advanced professional
training, and opportunity.
And, for all of these women, as for any subordinate group anywhere, fascism appealed
to what social scientists call “last-place aversion”: the desire to outrank other
groups. Add, finally, the gendered appeal of the strong authority figure and rigid
hierarchy, which attracts some women as much as some men, if in different
psychodynamic ways. As Sylvia Plath, the daughter of a German father, put it in her
poem “Daddy”: “Every woman adores a Fascist/The boot in the face, the brute/Brute
heart of a brute like you.”
Certainly, many of the same themes in far-right ideology attract the support of some
women in Europe today. And we can add the fact that right-wing movements benefit
from the limitations of a postfeminist, post-sexual-revolution society, and the
spiritual and emotional void produced by secular materialism.
Many lower-income women in Western Europe today – often single parents working
pink-collar ghetto jobs that leave them exhausted and without realistic hope of
advancement – can reasonably enough feel a sense of nostalgia for past values and
certainties. For them, the idealized vision of an earlier age, one in which social
roles were intact and women’s traditional contribution supposedly valued, can be
And, of course, parties that promote such a vision promise women – including those
habituated to second-class status at work and the bulk of the labor at home – that
they are not just faceless atoms in the postmodern mass. Rather, you, the lowly
clerical worker, are a “true” Danish, Norwegian, or French woman. You are an heiress
to a noble heritage, and thus not only better than the mass of immigrants, but also
part of something larger and more compelling than is implied by the cog status that
a multiracial, secular society offers you.
The attraction of right-wing parties to women should be examined, not merely
condemned. If a society does not offer individuals a community life that takes them
beyond themselves, values only production and the bottom line, and opens itself to
immigrants without asserting and cherishing what is special and valuable about
Danish, Norwegian, or French culture, it is asking for trouble. For example,
upholding the heritage of the Enlightenment and progressive social ideals does not
require racism or pejorative treatment of other cultures; but politically correct
curricula no longer even make the attempt to do so.
Until we stop regarding cultural pluralism as being incompatible with the defense of
legitimate universal values, fascist movements will attract those who need the false
hope and sense of self-worth that such movements offer, regardless of gender.
Naomi Wolf is a political activist and social critic whose most recent book is
Vagina: A New Biography.