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No welcome mat for Somalia refugee
A journalist threatened with
death flees his homeland, only to find that nearby countries and
regions don't want him or have their own problems.Seven months
later, living in exile, I've found that the threatening phone calls
haven't stopped. Nowadays, however, they are not from would-be
assassins. Instead my cellphone rings with warnings from
immigration officials in countries where I have sought, usually
without success, to find a safe place to live.
"Why don't you leave?" was the near-daily taunt from one government
official in Djibouti, who called so frequently I almost began to
consider him a friend.
Since leaving my home, I've bounced from country to country around
East Africa, trying to find one willing to accept someone with a
passport from Somalia. I was threatened with arrest in Djibouti for
overstaying my visa; kicked out of Somaliland for being a "foreign"
journalist; welcomed by Uganda, but only as the country grappled
with an Ebola outbreak; and finally allowed into Kenya after paying
an exorbitant $700 fee. In keeping with my unlucky streak, two days
after I arrived in Kenya, the country held its disputed election,
ushering in weeks of violence and inter-ethnic killing.
My story is not uncommon. Many of Somalia's 600,000 displaced
people have left the country; but few are finding host nations
willing to lay down a welcome mat. And in a region where free media
are rare, my press pass hasn't exactly opened doors for me either.
Unless you are willing to live in camps along the Kenya- Somalia
border, qualifying as a U.N.-recognized refugee is tricky.
Charities and United Nations agencies focus their help on refugees
living in camps, but there is little assistance for those of us
struggling to make it on our own. And amid the U.S.-sponsored
anti-terrorism "war," traveling as a Somali can be risky and
complicated, even before you consider that Somalia has not issued
valid passports since the government collapsed in 1991.
After leaving Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, my first stop was
Djibouti, a tiny country just to the north. Early last year, I had
relocated my wife and family there for their safety and it seemed a
convenient place to settle.
But immigration officials did not agree, limiting me to a two-month
visa. They reminded me that Djibouti has no free media, only
state-run television and radio. So the last thing they wanted was a
nosy reporter stirring things up. The message was clear: Don't
work.
Unable to make other arrangements and enjoying a
reunion with my family, I exceeded the authorities' time limit. But
even before my 60-day visa had expired, the daily phone calls
started. At first the callers were sympathetic. But soon their
patience wore thin. Finally I was given 10 days to leave or face
arrest. My family could stay, but I, as a journalist, had to go.
My next stop was Hargeisa, capital of the northern breakaway region
known as Somaliland. I assumed I would be accepted there. After
all, many still consider the region to be part of Somalia.
But due to the violence in Mogadishu, about two dozen other
journalists had the same idea. We quickly became pawns in the
political struggle over Somaliland's independence. Authorities
would only allow us to remain if the U.N. formally recognized us as
refugees living in a "foreign" country. The U.N., which does not
formally recognize Somaliland as a separate country, would only
classify us as "internally displaced" people. So Somaliland gave us
two days to leave.
Authorities there also appeared to be concerned that hosting
journalists from Mogadishu might anger Somaliland's powerful
neighbor Ethiopia, which is backing Somalia's transitional
government and tightening relations with Somaliland.
Kenya was my next goal, but a visa was proving difficult to obtain.
So I ended up in Uganda. The flight to Uganda was simple. The
government was cooperative. The people were friendly. But as I
arrived at the airport, officials informed me that the country was
in the midst of a deadly Ebola outbreak, which ultimately killed 37
people and sickened more than 100 others.
So along with my visa at the airport came this friendly advice:
Don't shake hands with anyone. Avoid certain animals and food
products. Stay away from public places. Don't use public restrooms.
I thought living in Mogadishu was stressful, but I only lasted a
week in Uganda. Most days I spent holed up in my hotel room,
nursing a headache and glued to the television, watching coverage
of the deadly virus.
I was relieved to hear that my Kenyan visa had been approved. The
catch? It would cost $700 for one month. By contrast, Americans pay
$50. To extend the visa would cost an additional $500 a month.
With no options, I dipped into my meager savings, said goodbye to
Ebola and arrived in Kenya on Christmas Day, two days before the
presidential poll.
While in Nairobi, the capital, I contacted the U.N. Commission on
Human Rights office, hoping the agency would help me qualify for
refugee status. If I could receive a letter from it certifying that
I was forced to flee Somalia for my safety, I might be able to
remain in Kenya without a visa.
The commission referred me back to the refugee camps near the
Kenya-Somalia border, saying it would be easier to process my
application there. I worried about the security risks of being so
close to the border. And I had no desire to live in the camps,
where I would be unable to find work and have to survive on food
handouts from aid groups.
Meanwhile, I watched with dismay as Kenya, which I'd hoped would be
a haven, descended into chaos. My front-row seat on the
postelection violence and ethnic clashes stirred painful memories
of my own nation's struggles.
Somalia's civil war began as early as 1988, when political disputes
between President Mohamed Siad Barre and his political opponents
began to take on a clan-based dimension, pitting the president's
Darod clan against the opposition's Hawiye clan. It was like
Kenya's friction between President Mwai Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe and
opposition leader Raila Odinga's Luo tribe.
One important difference, however, was that Somalia's police and
army took sides in the conflict, joining their clans and
participating in the civil war. Security forces in Kenya have, for
the most part, steered clear of the political struggles.
I was relieved when Kenya's leaders resolved their standoff and
agreed to share power. I know firsthand what happens when political
leaders put their own ambitions and greed ahead of their country.
But for me, the next step is unclear. I'll keep paying the $500
monthly visa fee, but my money will soon run out. Perhaps I'll try
Somaliland again, but I'd like to find a place where my family can
be reunited. And I'm eager, sometimes desperate, to return to work.
As a journalist, there are so many stories about Somalia that I
want to write. But returning to work in Mogadishu seems impossible
given the ongoing pressure on journalists. This month, the
government raided three local radio stations.
sourceLos
Angeles Times
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Xafiiska Wararka Mareeg ee Moqdisho
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